In Brave New Neighborhoods, Margaret Kohn undertakes two tracts in her discussion of the connection between democracy and space. First, Kohn embarks on a historical/descriptive analysis of the changing form of public space in contemporary American society. Through this discussion, she interrogates the rise of "private spaces" that are replacing "public" venues. Kohn's second preoccupation is more theoretical. In this voice, she focuses on the normative importance of public spaces for a thriving democracy. In both of these efforts, Kohn's contribution is valuable, reinforcing the importance of public space for the production of healthy democratic citizens.

Kohn's first objective is to detail the changing nature of public space in the United States. Kohn complicates the simple and long-standing dichotomy of public, accessible spaces (streets plazas) and private, controlled spaces (homes, company offices) by developing the idea of social space.

Social spaces are those that mix aspects of public and private space, characterized generally as "places that bring people together for the purpose of consumption" (p. 12). A social space is one in which people are encouraged to congregate and interact, but which is still private owned; thereby it is open to limits and regulations on speech. Kohn is concerned about the rise of these social spaces, as well as an ongoing uncertainty about how these spaces should be regulated. Kohn's driving question considers, given the growth of social space, whether all types of speech in these spaces should be allowed, or perhaps if they should have the types of controls we usually expect in private spaces.

As part of this historical investigation, Kohn presents the changing landscape of American social interaction. Kohn argues that evidence of the decline of public space is all around: the rise of malls, gated communities, free speech zones, and business improvement districts all work together to reduce public space. Kohn effectively utilizes a number of cases, ranging from court decisions to examinations of social spaces such as Battery Park and New Urbanist communities, to develop her point. Through these discussions, Kohn is able to illustrate that space in the United States is undergoing a dangerous change. Lively public spaces filled with diverse people and employed for a range of purposes decline, while more controlled spaces, limited by the dictates of private parties, gain ascendancy.

More than just a description of the changing tides in replacement of public spaces with private ones, Kohn also undertakes a significant theoretical project. Kohn's clear prose and well-reasoned argument stresses the value of public space for democracy. Kohn argues that public space allows those with the least resources to gain access to potential allies. Standing on the street corner with a megaphone and leaflets, for example, is a low cost way to reach numerous other citizens. Public space is valuable for informing citizens, making them better able to sound democratic choices. The value of public space, however, does not end there. Kohn argues that, "Public space facilitates the mutual recognition of strangers" (p. 203). Kohn argues that being faced with difference, suffering, and an awareness of being seen by others are valuable ethical experiences. Public spaces, filled with diverse people and uncontrolled events, ostensibly provide learning experiences, forcing us to move beyond the self and consider the plight of the other. What Kohn does very well is clearly and emphatically argue for the defense of public space in the name of the social good that it provides. Kohn underscores how public spaces make us better democratic citizens and better ethical subjects.

While there is much to appreciate about Kohn's work, at least two questions arise. First, Kohn fails to fully interrogate the notion of public space itself. Presumably, not all public spaces are created equally. It does not seem hard to imagine that town halls, city streets, parks, and plazas all function differently. While all of these public forums might be valuable, one would expect them to function differently as places for exchanging information or communicating with strangers. Kohn's analysis would be enriched by a more thorough consideration of public space; more detail would allow her to better proscribe which type of public spaces we should be developing.

A second concern with Kohn's work is that she fails to fully consider social spaces. She suggests they fall between private and public spaces, and that ambiguity exists about how they should be treated. Normatively, Kohn seems to prefer that these social spaces be treated as public spaces. However, Kohn also wants to defend free speech as a political right. Yet, undermining the rights of private property owners by limiting how they can use their space seems at odds with defending other rights like free speech. Kohn does not fully consider what violating one liberal tenet in order to maintain another part of the social contract might entail. Hence, Kohn fails to fully consider how we should address social space, and the long-term implications of restricting property rights for other rights considered fundamental to a liberal democracy.

Kohn's book is a well written, organized, and persuasive account of the importance of social space in modern democracy. Particularly appealing is the strong normative stance that Kohn takes. This normative viewpoint is tempered with a strong pragmatic streak, as Kohn defends classic public spaces rather than making lofty arguments about deliberation or discourse ethics. Kohn's work is, in the best sense, political work: addressing serious issues in a realistic manner. In the end, Kohn's conclusions are insightful, stressing the danger the loss of public space presents for democratic society.

Zachary Callen, The University of Chicago

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